The Real Reason President Trump Lost In 2020
With Republicans poised to flip 14 congressional seats in the 2020 election, boasting a widely unexpected equivalent net gain in the House of Representatives, it is only natural to wonder: how could this happen? How would a populist president atop the ticket serve as such a clear catalyst for a shocking red wave across the nation –helping to flip districts in some of the bluest states in the country — while simultaneously losing an incumbent presidency, a rarity in itself.
The phenomenon is even more stunning when you consider how increasingly rare split-ticket votes have become over the past decade. Recent polls estimate that such splits occur at a rate of about 4% on both sides of the aisle; effectively cancelling one another out.
And then there is perhaps the most shocking thing of all: President Trump overperformed his 2016 effort both nationally, and across crucial battleground states including Arizona, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin, not merely in vote total but in percentage of the vote.
How could the President increase his percentage of the vote in 2020 in all of these states that he claimed in 2016 and then lose them in 2020?
Instead of making a serious effort to understand, explain, or look into all of these apparent contradictions and how they could happen, Trump loyalists, along with his political and legal allies, have been laser-focused on isolated incidents of alleged fraud, asserting legally dubious challenges which have been universally rejected by courts across the country. These cases have been rejected, often with harsh, chastising language from judges (appointed by presidents on both sides of the aisle), largely because cancelling or flipping votes is invariably not the proper remedy for the claims asserted in these cases and also because there simply aren’t enough of these purported illegal votes to flip the election, in any event.
To be sure, the entire legal undertaking has been a futile and embarrassing failure by the President’s legal team. The United States Supreme Court was on well-established and sound legal ground in refusing to hear the case brought by the state of Texas for lack of standing. Stated simply, Texas cannot tell another state how to run their election. The claims asserted in that case were defective from the start.
The president’s supporters and, more importantly and inexcusably, his legal team, have been chasing the proverbial red herring all in pursuit of a lost cause, focusing on micro-frauds that likely occur in every national election, while missing a truly wide-spread national scheme that Democrats may have used to divert 3rd party votes (from two different parties) away from Trump and towards Biden. This, after all, is the only explanation for the otherwise impossible phenomena that occurred in this election: an incumbent president widely increasing his percentage of the vote and losing the election, all while his party swept across the nation on the bottom of the ballot.
The math is simple: since President Trump broadly widened his vote percentages from 2016, the only way that President-Elect Biden could win the election would be by increasing his percentage from Secretary Clinton’s percentage in 2016 by a wider margin than the President increased his own.
And that is exactly what happened in 2020.
But how?
Where are those increased percentages coming from?
After all, President-Elect Biden couldn’t gain in percentage by taking away from Trump. Trump gained in his percentage of the vote from 2016, too. Biden’s 2020 increase over 2016 Clinton was done the only way it could have been done — by Democrats manipulating (and Republicans ignoring) the 3rd party vote from two different third parties.
It appears clear that President Trump would have won Arizona, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and the election again in 2020 if the Green Party had remained on the ballot in 2020, as they were in 2016. It also seems clear that the President would have won those states again if the Libertarian Party was removed from the ballot in 2020, or even if both the Green and Libertarian parties had merely stayed on the ballot again in those states.
But that didn’t happen.
Libertarians, unchallenged by Republicans, stayed on these (and many) ballots across the nation in 2020 while the Green party was aggressively targeted for removal from the ballot by Democrats. As a result, there was no Green Party on the ballot in these battleground states, and in many other critical states, in 2020 that they had competed on back in 2016. Democrats successfully sued in September to get the Green party off the ballot in Pennsylvania. That same month, the same thing happened in Wisconsin, as the Democrats in the Elections Commission, with other Democratic help, sued to keep the Green Party off of the ballot there, too. It worked, on a strict party-line vote of appellate judges. In 2019, Arizona’s legislature moved up its signature petition requirement by 70 days, keeping the Green Party from getting enough names in time, and thus, also, off of the ballot.
The strategy and plight of the Libertarian party in 2020 was even more bizarre. In 2016, Gary Johnson far exceeded the percentage of the vote that went to Jo Jorgensen in 2020. Keen observers and faithful cable news watchers may have noticed an odd campaign by Jo Jorgensen in 2020 that saw a barrage of ads on conservative media, with little else on left-leaning “mainstream” outlets. While the goal for the Libertarians in 2016 was clearly to garner as many votes as possible, it is difficult to see that as having been the genuine goal in 2020. They were courting — seemingly exclusively — conservative votes. The strategy to court Republican voters almost exclusively in 2020 by, for example, dumping large sums of their limited funds into a massive Fox News ad campaign, should, at the very least raise some red flags as to the motivation behind this strategy and whether its funding was enshrouded into surprising amounts of “non-political” organization donations (often funded by big tech companies) which were in reality DNC-appropriated funds earmarked with a goal to divert Trump votes to Biden. The same concern of funds possibly being camouflaged by DNC operatives into “non-political” organization donations that were directed to take out the Green party, raises similar suspicions.
Where did these funds come from? Who, specifically, diverted them to the “non-political” organizations? With what possible instructions? Were DNC operatives involved in any way? These are questions that must be answered. As does another one: Why are not the President’s loyalists and legal team seeking them out?
One thing is abundantly clear: President-Elect Biden received votes not only from the 2020 ballot-removed Green party that went to Secretary Clinton in 2016, but also, necessarily, from left-leaning voters who were courted along with Republicans by the Libertarian party in 2016 but who were strangely not courted by the Libertarian party in 2020. That is a cause for concern and warrants further inspection. After all, that shift in strategy, along with the removal from the ballots in crucial states of the Green party, is the real reason President Trump lost in 2020. That’s not speculation: It’s all in the math.
